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  • Guy Bar-Oz is a professor of archaeology at the University of Haifa. His research focuses on the cultural and biologi... moreedit
The comparison of survivorship curves derived from seven different models aiming to reconstruct ancient sheep and goat herd maintenance strategies (e.g. optimization of wool, meat, and milk production) shows that many of these models... more
The comparison of survivorship curves derived from seven different models aiming to reconstruct ancient sheep and goat herd maintenance strategies (e.g. optimization of wool, meat, and milk production) shows that many of these models cannot be distinguished statistically. This observation renders the current theoretical framework for reconstructing ancient herd maintenance strategies problematic, due to the possible indeterminacy of model data
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The Epipaleolithic sequence of the southern Levant (ca. 24,000e11,500 cal. BP) reflects the shift from mobile to sedentary foraging societies, eventually paving the way to nascent villages, domestication and farming. Early and middle... more
The Epipaleolithic sequence of the southern Levant (ca. 24,000e11,500 cal. BP) reflects the shift from mobile to sedentary foraging societies, eventually paving the way to nascent villages, domestication and farming. Early and middle Epipaleolithic cultures (locally, the Kebaran and the Geometric Kebaran) generally produce an archaeological signature of mobile foragers, while the late Epipaleolithic Natufian Culture is renowned for the regular and intensified appearance of durable architecture, cemeteries, groundstones and art, joined with a broad-spectrum economy, and therefore indicates a more complex and sedentary society. Epipaleolithic archaeofaunas have been thoroughly investigated to detect shifts in site-occupation intensity, including changes in prey abundances, ungulate culling patterns and carcass processing habits, but carcass transport decisions received less attention. The transition to sedentary living in the Natufian would entail the exploitation of a defined and contracted territory around the site. In this case, central-place foraging theory predicts that ungulates will be hunted in the site's proximity and hence will be carried away in a more complete form, undergoing minimal or no field butchery. Therefore, we predict that skeletal-element profiles in sedentary Natufian hamlets will be more complete than in pre-Natufian camps, used by mobile foragers. We test this prediction by constructing detailed skeletal-element profiles and examining skeletal-element evenness. The results indicate that ungulate carcasses were transported significantly more completely in the Natufian assemblages, supporting our prediction. We further zoom in to explore the differential distribution of skeletal element abundances within a Natufian hamlet, showing the discard and attrition patterns that eventually produced our skeletal-element record. The results of our analysis of skeletal-element evenness correspond to other archaeological proxies for increased site-occupation intensity and territorial contraction in the Natufian.
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Reductions in hunter-gatherer mobility during the Late Pleistocene influenced settlement ecologies, altered human relations with animal communities, and played a pivotal role in domestication. The influence of variability in human... more
Reductions in hunter-gatherer mobility during the Late Pleistocene influenced settlement ecologies, altered human relations with animal communities, and played a pivotal role in domestication. The influence of variability in human mobility on selection dynamics and ecological interactions in human settlements has not been extensively explored, however. This study of mice in modern African villages and changing mice molar shapes in a 200,000-y-long sequence from the Levant demonstrates competitive advantages for com-mensal mice in long-term settlements. Mice from African pastoral households provide a referential model for habitat partitioning among mice taxa in settlements of varying durations. The data reveal the earliest known commensal niche for house mice in long-term forager settlements 15,000 y ago. Competitive dynamics and the presence and abundance of mice continued to fluctuate with human mobility through the terminal Pleistocene. At the Natufian site of Ain Mallaha, house mice displaced less commensal wild mice during periods of heavy occupational pressure but were outcompeted when mobility increased. Changing food webs and ecological dynamics in long-term settlements allowed house mice to establish durable commensal populations that expanded with human societies. This study demonstrates the changing magnitude of cultural niche construction with varying human mobility and the extent of environmental influence before the advent of farming. house mouse | sedentism | Natufian hunter-gatherers | commensalism | niche construction R eductions in hunter-gatherer mobility during the Late Pleisto-cene and development of sedentary ways of life altered human relations with plant and animal communities and played a pivotal role in domestication. Niche construction activities of settled hunter-gatherers, such as building, food storage, and waste accumulation , influenced food webs and exerted novel selection pressures on animal populations in human settlements (1-3). These factors resulted in changes in the abundance, ecology, and evolutionary trajectories of a range of animal species. Wild boars and wolves are thought to have been attracted to food sources in settlements following commensal pathways before developing long-term mutualism characteristic of domestication (4-6). Do-mestication of other animals, like goats or cattle, may have followed from hunting pressures exerted by settled communities and consequent shifts in hunting strategies (7-9). There is limited empirical evidence, however, on when pivotal shifts in mobility and selection pressures on animals in human settlements first occurred. Little is known about changing selection dynamics or competition among commensal taxa with changing occupational pressures. Despite acknowledged relationships between hunter-gatherer sedentism and domestication, scholars also hold widely divergent views regarding the level of hunter-gatherer versus early farmer impacts on ancient landscapes. Our study of the beginnings of mouse commensalism in the Levantine region offers high-resolution data on the effect of fluctuations in human mobility on selection in human settlements , niche partitioning among mice species, and niche dynamics through time. The Levant is the likely place of origin of the commensal niche of house mice (Mus musculus domesticus; hereafter, domesticus) and the springboard for global human-mediated expansion of this species (10-14). Sites dating to the Early Holocene (ca. 12,000 B.P., all dates are calibrated radio-carbon years before present), a short time before the Neolithic, furnish the earliest known fossil evidence of domesticus (11, 13). Evidence for Early Holocene house mice was preceded by several millennia of decreased settlement mobility, social elaboration , and subsistence shifts among complex hunter-gatherers in the southern Levant (15). Wild grain collection, hunting, and reliance on small mammals intensified from as early as 25,000-23,000 B.P (16, 17). The appearance of the Natufian culture ca. 15,000 B.P. has been perceived by many as marking a punctuated transition to sedentism and built settlement environments in the region (18). As a result, it has been suggested that rather than emerging with farming, preagricultural human sedentism led to commensalism in the domesticus lineage (19, 20). This trajectory of reduced mobility was not unidirectional, however, and the intensities with which Natufian settlements were occupied and degree of human mobility continued to fluctuate substantially over ca. 3,500 y before the Neolithic (18, 21, 22). Significance Decreases in hunter-gatherer mobility during the Late Pleisto-cene altered relationships with animal communities and led to domestication. Little is known, however, about how selection operated in settlements of varying duration. This study of mice in modern African mobile settlements and ancient Levantine sites demonstrates competitive advantages for commensal mice when human mobility is low and niche partitioning with noncommensal wild mice when mobility increases. Changing mice molar shapes in a 200,000-y-long sequence from the Le-vant reveal that mice first colonized settlements of relatively settled hunter-gatherers 15,000 y ago. The first long-term hunter-gatherer settlements transformed ecological interactions and food webs, allowing commensal house mice to out-compete wild mice and establish durable populations that expanded with human societies.
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Deposits rich in bioarchaeological materials were unearthed in two dovecotes found near Sa'adon, a Byzantine-period village (5th-6th century CE) in the semi-arid part of the Negev. One structure contained a layer of pigeon manure and... more
Deposits rich in bioarchaeological materials were unearthed in two dovecotes found near Sa'adon, a Byzantine-period village (5th-6th century CE) in the semi-arid part of the Negev. One structure contained a layer of pigeon manure and articulated pigeon skeletons, preserved occupation levels and evidence of sudden destruction (mid-6th century CE), whereas the other lacked distinct occupation debris indicting more orderly human abandonment. Our findings demonstrate the importance of raising pigeons for their high-quality manure in connection with agricultural development around the Negev Byzantine settlements. This product was essential for fertilizing vineyards and orchards; our findings provide direct evidence for the intensive nature of desert agriculture and a new approach to addressing questions of past human sustainability in an environmentally marginal area.
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Keywords: Negev desert Soil analysis Pigeon Dovecote Manure Roman and Byzantine archaeology a b s t r a c t This article explores a means used by Byzantine agriculturists in the Negev in southern Israel to achieve sustainable soil... more
Keywords: Negev desert Soil analysis Pigeon Dovecote Manure Roman and Byzantine archaeology a b s t r a c t This article explores a means used by Byzantine agriculturists in the Negev in southern Israel to achieve sustainable soil improvement: pigeon manure. We found high concentrations of manure in ancient pigeon towers strewn across the Byzantine agricultural landscape, characterized by the widespread construction of terraces and dams to manage runoff and floodwater. We show that nitrogen (N), phosphate (P) and organic matter (OM), reliable and recognized indices of soil characterization used by both practical agriculturists and archaeologists, are associated with such towers. The distribution patterns of these indicators have shown congruent and significant perturbations north of the pigeon tower at Shivta. Comparisons with other ancient Levantine installations of this type suggest that the perturbations we identified are associated with a single, above-ground opening that did not survive the destruction of the tower. The door facilitated the controlled, periodical extraction of accumulated manure from inside the tower. This study supports the suggested importance of pigeon manure, evidently used to ameliorate local desert soils, and stresses the usefulness of chemical tests, traditional quantifiers of agricultural soil quality, and anthropogenic interference in identifying pigeon towers and clarifying archaeological problems in a desert environment.
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The brief report is dedicated to a fragmentary Armenian graffito, recently discovered in the apse of the Byzantine Southern Church of Shivta, in the Negev desert. The location of the graffito and its paleographic analysis allows to date... more
The brief report is dedicated to a fragmentary Armenian graffito, recently discovered in the apse of the Byzantine Southern Church of Shivta, in the Negev desert. The location of the graffito and its paleographic analysis allows to date it to the 9 th-11 th centuries, already after the abandonment of the site, and testifies to the continuous tradition of Christian pilgrimage, connecting Palestine with the sanctuaries of the Sinai. RÉSUMÉ Le bref rapport est dédié à un graffito fragmentaire arménien, récemment découvert dans l'abside de l'église byzantine de Shivta, dans le désert du Néguev. L'emplacement du graffito et son analyse paléographique le font remonter aux 9 e-11 e siècles, déjà après l'abandon du site, et témoignent de la continuité du pèlerinage chrétien, reliant la Palestine aux sanctuaires du Sinaï. Shivta (ancient Sobota: Arabic-Isbeita or Subeita) is a large Byzan-tine village (about 90 dunams: 9 hectares), is located on the northern
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Metagenomic analysis is a highly promising technique in paleogenetic research that allows analysis of the complete genomic make-up of a sample. this technique has successfully been employed to archaeological sediments, but possible... more
Metagenomic analysis is a highly promising technique in paleogenetic research that allows analysis of the complete genomic make-up of a sample. this technique has successfully been employed to archaeological sediments, but possible leaching of DNA through the sequence limits interpretation. We applied this technique to the analysis of ancient DNA (aDNA) from Late Quaternary stalagmites from two caves in Western Georgia, Melouri Cave and solkota. stalagmites form closed systems, limiting the effect of leaching, and can be securely dated with U-series. The analyses of the sequence data from the Melouri Cave stalagmite revealed potential contamination and low preservation of DNA. However, the two solkota stalagmites preserved ancient DNA molecules of mammals (bear, roe deer, bats) and plants (chestnut, hazelnut, flax). The aDNA bearing layers from one of the two Solkota stalagmites were dated to between ~84 ka and ~56 ka BP by U-series. The second Solkota stalagmite contained excessive detrital clay obstructing U-series dating, but it also contained bear bones with a minimum age of ~50 BP uncalibrated years and ancient DNA molecules. the preservation of authentic ancient DNA molecules in Late Quaternary speleothems opens up a new paleogenetic archive for archaeological, paleontological and paleoenvironmental research. Ancient DNA (aDNA) genomics is a valuable information source on past biological diversity and evolutionary trajectories of species 1-3. A particular focus has been on the analysis of human bones yielding high coverage genomes of archaic humans 4-6 and enabling novel insights into human dispersals and migrations 7-9. Additionally, several studies employed a metagenomic approach to the study of DNA sequence data retrieved from soils and sediments from various environments, including caves 10 , lakes 11 , arid 12 and arctic environments 13,14. Slon et al. 15 using a shotgun sequencing approach and analysing the deamination pattern for identification of authentic ancient DNA 16 , reported on the recovery of archaic human aDNA as well as other mammalian aDNA from archaeological deposits at several sites. This metagenomic research shows that not only bones but many other components of the archaeological and paleontological record, such as deposits themselves, may serve as a preservation medium for ancient DNA. The retrieval of authentic aDNA strands from deposits is made possible by the binding of DNA to various sediment and soil components, including clays 17-19 , silica 20,21 , humic acids 22 and calcite 23. However, soil chemistry , e.g. pH 20 , and soil transformation processes, such as the dissolution and precipitation of minerals, greatly impacts preservation. Furthermore, post-depositional movement of sediment components through turbation, such as bioturbation, as well as other soil translocation processes, such as clay illuviation, may negatively impact the integrity and complicate the interpretation of aDNA found in sediments and soils 24,25 .
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Past fish provenance, exploitation and trade patterns were studied by analyzing phosphate oxygen isotope compositions (δ 18 O PO4) of gilthead seabream (Sparus aurata) tooth enameloid from archaeological sites across the southern Levant,... more
Past fish provenance, exploitation and trade patterns were studied by analyzing phosphate oxygen isotope compositions (δ 18 O PO4) of gilthead seabream (Sparus aurata) tooth enameloid from archaeological sites across the southern Levant, spanning the entire Holocene. We report the earliest evidence for extensive fish exploitation from the hypersaline Bardawil lagoon on Egypt's northern Sinai coast, as indicated by distinctively high δ 18 O PO4 values, which became abundant in the southern Levant, both along the coast and further inland, at least from the Late Bronze Age (3,550-3,200 BP). A period of global, postglacial sea-level stabilization triggered the formation of the Bardawil lagoon, which was intensively exploited and supported a widespread fish trade. This represents the earliest roots of marine proto-aquaculture in Late Holocene coastal domains of the Mediterranean. We demonstrate the potential of large-scale δ 18 O PO4 analysis of fish teeth to reveal cultural phenomena in antiquity, providing unprecedented insights into past trade patterns. Fishing was an essential economic component of many ancient societies, as evidenced by the presence of fish remains, fishing gears, and fish-associated artifacts in numerous archaeological sites worldwide 1-5. In the southern Levant, past exploitation and trade of fish has been explored primarily based on the occurrences of fish bones in coastal, riverine and lake-side archaeological sites and through inference from the modern distribution patterns, habitat preferences and ecological niches of these fish species. In the Levant, this has mostly been done for fish that a priori were identified as 'exotic'. For example, the identification of key Nilotic species such as Lates niloticus (Nile perch) and Bagrus sp. (Bagrid catfish) in archeological sites of the southern Levant testified that long-range trade systems between Egypt and Canaan have emerged more than 5000 years ago (during the Early Bronze Age) 6-8. The gilthead seabream (Sparus aurata, Linnaeus, 1758) frequently appears in archaeological sites of the southern Levant, since prehistoric times (Late Pleistocene) 4-6. This species is characterised by thick-enamelled, molar-like teeth (Fig. S1), which are used for cracking shellfish (i.e., bivalves, gastropods and crustaceans) 9,10. Sparus aurata is an euryhaline and eurytherm marine fish which migrates between near-shore, inshore (lagoons) and open sea environments 11-13. Thus, while the appearance of S. aurata in inland sites clearly indicates long range trade systems 6,7 , remains of this species in Levantine coastal sites have so far been interpreted as reflecting local fishing activity 6-8. State of the art research methodologies provide multiple empirical ways to explore trade and maritime connections of desirable fish source marketing to distant places. For example, past provenance and long-range trade of fish from the North Atlantic have been studied using the C and N stable isotopes of bone collagen (Atlantic cod) 14-18 , and by aDNA analysis 18,19. However, fish bone C and N isotope analyses require the preservation of collagen, and they are limited to "young" fish because constant bone remodeling causes the isotopic signature to adjust to local conditions in adult fish 14,15. In the North Aegean (northeast Mediterranean), these analyses showed no clustering with locality or species, and for both isotopes they demonstrated a general overlap between
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The recent discovery of a Late/Final Pre-Pottery Neolithic B burial of an adult and two children associated with fox bones at the site of Motza, Israel, demonstrates the broader socio-cultural perspective , and possibly continued... more
The recent discovery of a Late/Final Pre-Pottery Neolithic B burial of an adult and two children associated with fox bones at the site of Motza, Israel, demonstrates the broader socio-cultural perspective , and possibly continued animistic world views, of Neolithic foragers at the onset of the agricultural revolution. Recent excavations at the Pre-Pottery Neolithic B mega-site of Motza (7600-6000 BC), central Israel, have revealed a rare human burial with two foxes. The fox bones were dismem-bered, except for one foot found in articulation, and scattered among the human remains. What could this burial reveal about interactions between humans and small carnivores in the eighth and seventh millennia BC? We propose that Neolithisation entails closer relations between humans and small carnivores, relations that find expression in ritual practice. This is an animistic reflection of an anthropogenic ecology, which is advantageous to such animals and can be related to the general transition to agriculture in the Levant during this period. Motza, located in the Judean Hills west of Jerusalem, is one of the largest sites in the southern Levant, approximately 40ha (Figure 1). It was previously excavated (Khalaily et al. 2007) and is remarkable for its architecture, plaster floors, a lithic assemblage rich in arrowheads, multiple graves and numerous animal bones. As one of the earliest and largest agricultural villages in the Mediterranean phytogeographic zone, Motza has much to
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Our compilation of zooarchaeological data from a series of important archaeological sites spanning the Epipaleolithic through Pre-Pottery Neolithic B periods in the Mediterranean Hills of the southern Levant contributes to major debates... more
Our compilation of zooarchaeological data from a series of important archaeological sites spanning the Epipaleolithic through Pre-Pottery Neolithic B periods in the Mediterranean Hills of the southern Levant contributes to major debates about the beginnings of ungulate management in Southwest Asia. The data support an onset of ungulate management practices by the Early PPNB (10,500-10,000 cal. BP), more than 500 years earlier than previously thought for this region. There is a clear developmental connection between reduced hunting intensity and the uptake of ungulate management, confirming that this process began in response to local, density-dependent demographic factors. The early process of goat domestication in the southern Levant appears to have been overwhelmingly local. This may have been true for cattle and pigs as well. Nevertheless, the loose synchrony of animal management trends across Southwest Asia was undoubtedly enabled by large-scale social networks that transmitted knowledge. The results add to growing evidence that animal management processes followed multiple regional evolutionary pathways within the Fertile Crescent. Because of its profound impact on all aspects of human sociocultural life, the forager-farmer transition has been subject to intense scrutiny. Its investigation has an especially rich and dynamic history in Southwest Asia, home to the earliest evidence for plant and animal management and domestication 1,2. Although the amount and quality of data have increased tremendously over the last few decades, the details of domestication processes and associated explanatory models are under continual revision. Current controversies concern the timing, background conditions, and nature of domestication trends. While the Fertile Crescent is widely recognized as a heartland of plant and animal domestication, there is less agreement about the areas over which certain species came under management and human-induced genetic alteration 1,3. Early indications of the ungulate domestication process include human control over the reproduction or culling of wild type animals, rather than evidence of extensive genetic or morphologic changes. Did management lead to domestic variants in only one place, or were there concurrent evolutionary hotspots where local conditions catalyzed diverse modes and pathways to change 4,5 ? Because domestication is a process that brings about changes at the level of populations, it may be impossible to pin it to a single location of origin 6,7. Nor is this process unidirectional; it may include reversals, dead ends, interruptions, and multiple episodes of genetic introgression 7-9. Like others 7-9 , we view the process of domesti-cation as a continuum characterized by intensifying human-animal interactions. These range from controlling the movements of wild animals to selective culling, and ultimately, the selective breeding of animals in a captive environment. Here, we explore the early stages of the domestication process when all animals retained the wild phenotype (a.k.a. morphologically wild). We use the term managed to distinguish morphologically wild animals under human control from domesticated individuals that have undergone phenotypic change as the result of long-term human intervention 9. We focus especially on the lesser known, incipient part of the management process, before animals were selectively culled or bred. This scale of interaction is termed "game management" by Zeder 6 or "control in the wild" by Vigne et al. 9 and may include translocation or protection, restriction of movements, or
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Faunal lists are important tools in ecology, biogeography, and conservation planning. Such lists can identify gaps in our knowledge of the distribution and taxonomy of regional faunas, and highlight issues needing further study. We... more
Faunal lists are important tools in ecology, biogeography, and conservation planning. Such lists can identify gaps in our knowledge of the distribution and taxonomy of regional faunas, and highlight issues needing further study. We present an up to date list of all land vertebrates occurring in Israel. We identify 786 species, of which 551 are birds, 130 are mammals, 97 are reptiles and eight are amphibians. Of these 369 species breed in Israel (including reintroductions), 199 (mostly birds) are regular visitors and 182 are accidental. Fourteen other species are invasive, and 22 species are extinct. We identify issues with the taxonomy and status of several species, and note recent developments in our understanding the Israeli land vertebrate fauna.
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The Late Bronze of the Eastern Mediterranean (1550-1150 BCE) was a period of strong commercial relations and great prosperity, which ended in collapse and migration of groups to the Levant. Here we aim at studying the translocation of... more
The Late Bronze of the Eastern Mediterranean (1550-1150 BCE) was a period of strong commercial relations and great prosperity, which ended in collapse and migration of groups to the Levant. Here we aim at studying the translocation of cattle and pigs during this period. We sequenced the first ancient mitochondrial and Y chromosome DNA of cattle from Greece and Israel and compared the results with morphometric analysis of the metacarpal in cattle. We also increased previous ancient pig DNA datasets from Israel and extracted the first mitochondrial DNA for samples from Greece. We found that pigs underwent a complex translocation history, with links between Anatolia with southeastern Europe in the Bronze Age, and movement from southeastern Europe to the Levant in the Iron I (ca. 1150-950 BCE). Our genetic data did not indicate movement of cattle between the Aegean region and the southern Levant. We detected the earliest evidence for crossbreeding between taurine and zebu cattle in the Iron IIA (ca. 900 BCE). In light of archaeological and historical evidence on Egyptian imperial domination in the region in the Late Bronze Age, we suggest that Egypt attempted to expand dry farming in the region in a period of severe droughts. The period between ca. 1,450 and 950 BCE-much of the Late Bronze Age and the early Iron Age-was one of the most dramatic in the history of the Eastern Mediterranean basin 1. During the Late Bronze Age the great Egyptian and Hittite empires ruled over extensive regions of the Near East and northeastern Africa, Mycenaean palatial societies flourished in what is currently Greece and the shores of western Turkey, and Cyprus functioned as a regional supplier of copper. This was a period of pronounced "globalization", characterized by strong trade relations that created a cultural koine, perhaps best represented by the cargo of the Uluburun shipwreck [on the southern coast of Turkey 2 ]. This period of great prosperity ended in a major collapse process known as the "Crisis Years" (refs 1 and 3; for possible relation to climate change see refs 4 and 5). The breakdown of the old order was accompanied by movements of groups, sometimes called the Sea Peoples (among them the Philistines), from various parts of the Mediterranean to the Levant (e.g., ref. 6). These momentous processes shaped the history of the Old World, opening the way to the emergence of new regional kingdoms, among them biblical Israel and Judah. In the Late Bronze Age, various commodities were shipped along Eastern Mediterranean coasts, including copper ingots from Cyprus, prestige ceramic vessels from the Mycenaean world and Cyprus, and resin from the coast of the Levant (e.g., ref. 2). Most of these items are conspicuous to archaeologists. However, because of the
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The Byzantine-Islamic transition (7 th-8 th centuries Ce) in the desert-edge palaestina tertia is examined using faunal remains recovered from archaeological sites in the Negev. Archaeozoological analyses suggest sharp differences between... more
The Byzantine-Islamic transition (7 th-8 th centuries Ce) in the desert-edge palaestina tertia is examined using faunal remains recovered from archaeological sites in the Negev. Archaeozoological analyses suggest sharp differences between Late Byzantine and Early Islamic animal economies, especially in herding patterns and the exploitation of wildlife resources. These differences are suggested to reflect both cultural and land ownership changes following the Arab conquest, against the backdrop of climatic change. the archaeozoological record thereby provides independent evidence to the rise and fall of societal complexity in this marginal region. The Negev Desert between the 4 th and 8 th c. CE witnessed the local reverberations of dramatic historical events of the Late Roman, Late Antique (Byzantine), and Early Islamic periods, spanning the rise and fall of the Roman Empire and emergence of Christianity and Islam. At the same time, human communities in this arid and marginal region of the southern Levant variably negotiated unique challenges to the development of settlement, agriculture and trade, against the background of climatic change 1-3. Archaeologists have long aimed to employ the material record of the Negev in order to integrate knowledge of broad historical dynamics with their manifestations in regional and local sequences 4-15. An especially controversial issue centers on explanations of the exceptional fluorescence and subsequent decline of Byzantine-period settlement in the Negev, with researchers differentially drawing on sources of evidence from the historical, material and paleoclimatic records to construct alternative narratives 7,16-23. Our view of the internal history of the Negev during this crucial period and the way it was impacted by external political, economic and climatic forces remains, however, incomplete: archaeozoolog-ical evidences to environmental and cultural change have not received integrative analytic consideration to date. The expansion of settlement in the Negev beginning in the Late Roman and Early Byzantine periods (4 th-5 th c. CE), which reached a climax in the Middle Byzantine 5 th c. CE, marked a singular event in the history of this marginal region 2. Through much of the late Holocene, human occupation of the arid Negev involved the presence of nomadic pastoralists, short-term military stations, isolated small-scale farmsteads and trading posts 7,16,22. This began to change with the Romanization and systemic settling down of Nabataean nomadic trading tribes from the 2 nd c. CE 17. From the 4 th c. CE large-scale expansion of sedentary settlements and agricultural activity in the Negev went together with the establishment of the Byzantine Empire 10,13,14. Intensive farming, which was the foundation for the Byzantine settlement in the arid Negev, relied on the development of sophisticated methods for water conservation and harvesting, soil fertilization, and adaptive management of crop and livestock regimes 6,8,22,23 , and also, arguably, on a short-lived increase in rainfall 24. A vivid expression of the success of Negev agricultural development by the Byzantines is the international distribution and reputation of locally produced wine 23,25,26. Although famous for its wine, the florescent Byzantine agriculture must have been integrated with animal resource management systems. Here we report, for the first time, an analysis of animal resource exploitation in the Negev, and use it to test common assertions regarding shifting social dynamics among settled and nomadic groups, land use practices, trade and foodways. 1 Leon Recanati institute for Maritime Studies, University of Haifa, Haifa, israel. 2 Steinhardt Museum of natural History, tel Aviv University, tel Aviv, israel. 3 israel Antiquities Authority, Jerusalem, israel.
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The early sixth millennium settlement at Sha'ar Hagolan, in the central Jordan valley, shows evidences for early village planning, including courtyard houses, streets, and a water well, and also a large number of portable symbolic items,... more
The early sixth millennium settlement at Sha'ar Hagolan, in the central Jordan valley, shows evidences for early village planning, including courtyard houses, streets, and a water well, and also a large number of portable symbolic items, notably clay figurines of a corpulent female are dominant. The largest courtyard building in the settlement was previously suggested to have served ritual purposes, based on the pottery assemblage, figurines, and burials found in it. In this paper we report the results of a zooarchaeological analysis of the assemblage from that courtyard building, which support this suggestion , and may indicate that the rituals conducted in the building were seasonal celebrations. Archaeological and anthropological parallels are suggested.
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Metric data of 6 th century CE pigeons from the Negev Desert, Israel, are employed to test competing hypotheses on flock management strategies: that directed selection for size or shape took place under intensive management; or,... more
Metric data of 6 th century CE pigeons from the Negev Desert, Israel, are employed to test competing hypotheses on flock management strategies: that directed selection for size or shape took place under intensive management; or, alternatively, that stabilizing selection was a stronger determinant of size and shape under extensive management conditions. The results of the analysis support the second hypothesis by demonstrating that the Byzan-tine Negev pigeons were like wild pigeon (Columba livia) in shape, albeit small-sized. The inferred extensive management system is then discussed in the context of pigeon domesti-cation and human micro-ecologies in marginal regions.
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Some 180 desert kites were reported from Armenia, with puzzling aspects regarding the typological variability and distribution patterns. Although the study of kites in southwest Asia has made many recent advances, their dating and... more
Some 180 desert kites were reported from Armenia, with puzzling aspects regarding the typological variability and distribution patterns. Although the study of kites in southwest Asia has made many recent advances, their dating and cultural context remain uncertain due to apparent limitations. A division of them includes two major categories, v-shaped hunting kites, and enclosure kites. The latter have two subgroups: those with and those lacking guiding walls. Here, we analyze the architectural characteristics and geographical settings of v-shaped and enclosure kites in order to shed new light on their past function. It appears that the rare v-shaped kites are limited to the topographical lower end of the kites' phenomenon in Armenia. On the other hand, the enclosure kites are found across the topographical range of the phenomenon, between about 900 and 1500 m above msl. Furthermore, the typical Arme-nian enclosure kite has a heart-like morphology, with trapping pits located upwards and 'behind' the main entrance of the enclosure. Such a layout is uncommon further south in the deserts of the Near East, but documented for game traps on the Ustyurt Plateau, and similar structures were used for hunting and herding in Scandinavia. We thus suggest that the two Armenian enclosure kite types were used for hunting wild game, most likely Red Deer (with guiding walls); and for keeping livestock (without guiding walls). We also suggest that the hunters and/or herders that constructed the kites practiced seasonal vertical movement between winter and summer grazing lands.
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The Transfiguration scene depicted in a Byzantine church at Shivta, Israel, is one of two figurative examples of the scene from the early Christian period. The use of Egyptian blue pigment in the wall painting was investigated with... more
The Transfiguration scene depicted in a Byzantine church at Shivta, Israel, is one of two figurative examples of the scene from the early Christian period. The use of Egyptian blue pigment in the wall painting was investigated with various analytical methods. Visible Induced Luminescence (VIL) imaging was used in-situ in order to map the distribution of the Egyptian blue pigment in the painting. The VIL imaging revealed surprising insights into the understanding of the iconography and the technology of this rare painting.
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2 ‫ה‬ ‫י‬ ‫ר‬ ‫ו‬ ‫ט‬ ‫ס‬ ‫י‬ ‫ה‬ ‫ל‬ ‫י‬ ‫ל‬ ‫א‬ ‫ר‬ ‫ש‬ ‫י‬ ‫ן‬ ‫י‬ ‫ז‬ ‫ג‬ ‫מ‬ | w w w. s e g u l a m a g. c o m ‫ביזנטי‬ ‫מתכון‬
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Recreating fine-resolution dating of an increase of dust and stable isotopes captured in two stalagmites in northern Iran, Carolin et al. (1) in PNAS argue for close coincidence and a causal link with the decline of the Akkadian Empire at... more
Recreating fine-resolution dating of an increase of dust and stable isotopes captured in two stalagmites in northern Iran, Carolin et al. (1) in PNAS argue for close coincidence and a causal link with the decline of the Akkadian Empire at ∼4.2 ka. The integration of high-resolution climate datasets with historical and archaeological data is a desirable tool for increasing the synergy between archaeology and planetary sciences and for better exploration of both the climatic events themselves and their societal consequences (2). However, we point out that true consilience in research on historic collapse and climate change will only be achieved when more sophisticated approaches are developed for integrating the climatic and societal records. The results of Carolin et al. (1) exemplify these challenges: i) Presently, the question of the 4.2 ka Akkadian collapse is highly controversial among historians and archaeologists, with the exact chronology of Ak-kadian evolution and decline remaining deeply contested (3). The authors rely solely on the results of the archaeological sites of Tell Leilan in the Khabur region (4), yet recent data have led to broad reevaluations of the temporal frame and dynamic of Akkadian decline and question whether we can identify societal collapse at all (5). ii) The discrepancy between the ways archaeologists and earth scientists define fine temporal and geographic resolution has been emphasized as a major hurdle to linking on-site evidence with off-site climate proxies (6). The reconstructed speleothem records are located 800 km from Tell Leilan where the 4.2 ka event was studied, further limiting the ability to understand the regional-specific social dimensions of climate change (7). iii) Minimizing the range of years a climate event occurs before political collapse is crucial for assessing the impact of a climate anomaly and how it, alongside other factors, pushed sociopolitical systems beyond their resilience threshold (8). The authors persuasively show that an ∼300-y long-term period of drought overlapped with ∼290 y of post-Akkadian change. However, the relatively short-term cultural collapse event, which probably lasted less than the multidecadal error range of the radiometric dating, is nested in the data provided by Carolin et al. (1). Thus, the purported indistinguishability of correlation between the onset of drought and the quick demise of Akkad, essentially reveals scenarios ranging from 150 y of drought until the Akkadian collapse to one in which collapse takes place 13 y before the drought event. iv) Social reactions to climatic stress are complex and vary cross-culturally. In fact, resilience, rather than wholesale collapse, is often the observed outcome (9). Indeed, recent investigation of the long-term correspondence between climate and settlement dynamics in Mesopotamia show that although earlier developments of settlement expansion and urbanization occurred mostly in periods of increased rainfall, after 2000 BCE, spurts of settlement growth coincided more with periods of marked aridity (10). Whereas high-resolution climate proxy records are pertinent to multidisciplinary consilience equations, these equations remain unresolved as long as we continue to lack equably detailed evidence for the nature and magnitude of societal response from the social record of both history and archaeology.
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Religious and historical sources suggest that pilgrimage formed a major source of Jerusalem's economy during the Early Roman period due to the Temple's role as a religious and judicial center for the Jewish diaspora. Until now, this... more
Religious and historical sources suggest that pilgrimage formed a major source of Jerusalem's economy during the Early Roman period due to the Temple's role as a religious and judicial center for the Jewish diaspora. Until now, this assertion has been supported by little material evidence. In this study, the carbon and nitrogen isotope values of local arcahaeological and, modern wild herbivores from known environments were used to determine the environmental origins of domesticated sheep and goat that were traded and consumed in Early Roman Jerusalem. Pinpointing the environmental origins of these herd animals can determine if they were raised in specialized farms in the vicinity of Jerusalem, brought to the city by local pilgrims, or were part of organized importation of sacrifice animals from desert regions that lie beyond the boundaries of the province of Judea. The results indicate that at minimum 37% of the goat and sheep consumed in Jerusalem during the Early Roman period were brought from desert regions. The inter-provincial importation of animals to Jerusalem to meet high demands for sacrifice by pilgrims is the first material evidence for large scale economic specialization in the city. Furthermore, the results imply that desert animals were further marketed for domestic use in contemporaneous farm sites out of Jerusalem.
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al. 2018). Within the larger frame of our project we explore the attributes of the phenomenal success of Byzantine society in the semi-arid area of the Negev, and the nature of its decline. As part of the project, several trash mounds... more
al. 2018). Within the larger frame of our project we explore the attributes of the phenomenal success of Byzantine society in the semi-arid area of the Negev, and the nature of its decline. As part of the project, several trash mounds were excavated within three of the main settlements of the Negev, namely, Elusa, Soubeita, and Nessana. The ancient trash yielded an exceptional abundance of food refuse, ranging from bones of sheep and goats to seeds of edible plants and wood used as fuel. These bones are the best empirical evidence to reconstruct the food preferences and culinary practices of the Ne-gev Desert people in Byzantine times. The organic material also included numerous bones of parrotfish (Bar-Oz et al. 2019). The unexpected discovery of par-rotfish is one of the peculiar aspects of these excavations (Blevis 2019). All fish remains were identified to biological taxa based on morphological and metric criteria, using the fish-reference collection of Irit Zohar, which is stored in the Laboratory of Archaeozoology at the University of Haifa. Specifically, a significant number of remains of Red Sea par-rotfish were identified, based on the presence of their beak-like tooth plate and pharyngeal bones, which are distinct from those of their Mediterranean cousins (Blevis and Zohar, table S7 in Bar-Oz et al. 2019). The Byzantine Negev The Negev desert was located in a remote corner of the empire, distant from the imperial centers of power to the north. But modern scholarship has mostly neglected a simple fact in its numerous studies of late antique Negev society, namely, its northern reaches lay in proximity to the Mediterranean coast, allowing, at least in theory, for a manageable connection of the entire micro-region to Mediterranean networks of commerce and knowledge (Wickham 2005). Located between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean, and bordering the Sinai Peninsula and the Jordan Valley, the Negev Desert was home to seminomadic peoples since at least the second millennium BCE. Patterns of a more complex society, employing sedentary settlement forms and reliant upon imported goods, appeared in the Nabatean period, towards the second century BCE, and continued to develop during the time of the Nabataean kingdom and its incorporation into the Roman Empire in the first and second centuries CE (Rubin 1996). Under the Byzantine Empire, the entire area flourished and reached an unprecedented economic peak. It subsequently declined rapidly, possibly even before the Muslim conquest (Bar-Oz et al. 2019). The strong connective capacity of this area-bridging the Red Sea and the Mediterranean, and by implication East and Figure 1. The Byzantine Negev. Maps prepared by Sapir Haad. the corals' health and helps to preserve the delicate balance of the reef 's ecosystem (Bellwood et al. 2004). As a dominant component of the reef, parrotfish are considered a keystone species and play a critical part in the survival of the entire coral reef ecosystem. Nowadays, however, populations of parrotfish are endangered worldwide across their distribution range. A recent study conducted for The IUCN Red List of Threatened Species found that numerous populations of parrotfish face risk of regional extinction. Among the main reasons is excessive fishing, which often employs nonselective fish traps and nets. In addition, parrotfish are targets of nocturnal spearfishing throughout their distribution range (Comeros-Raynal et al. 2012). Parrotfish in the Byzantine Negev
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It is widely believed that Byzantine agriculture in the Negev Desert (fourth to seventh century Common Era; CE), with widespread construction of terraces and dams, altered local landscapes. However, no direct evidence in archaeological... more
It is widely believed that Byzantine agriculture in the Negev Desert (fourth to seventh century Common Era; CE), with widespread construction of terraces and dams, altered local landscapes. However, no direct evidence in archaeological sites yet exists to test this assumption. We uncovered large amounts of small mammalian remains (rodents and insectivores) within agricultural installations built near fields, providing a new line of evidence for reconstructing anthropogenic impact on local habitats. Abandonment layers furnished high abundances of remains, whereas much smaller numbers were retrieved from the period of human use of the structures. Digestion marks are present in low frequencies (20% of long bones and teeth), with a light degree of impact, which indicate the role of owls (e.g. Tyto alba) as the principal means of accumulation. The most common taxa-gerbils (Gerbillus spp.) and jirds (Meriones spp.)-occur in nearly equal frequencies, which do not correspond with any modern Negev communities, where gerbils predominate in sandy low-precipitation environments and jirds in loessial, higher-precipitation ones. Although low-level climate change cannot be ruled out, the results suggest that Byzantine agriculture allowed jirds to colonize sandy anthropogenic habitats with other gerbilids and commensal mice and rats.
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‫רשות העתיקות ובמימון הקרן הלאומית למדע‬ ‫)ארכאוזואולוגיה(וט' אריקסון­גיני)כלי חרס(, בסיוע ר' שחק­גרוס)גאוארכאולוגיה(, א' וויס‬ ‫)ארכאובוטניקה(ומ' כהן)מדידות(. בחפירה השתתפו מתנדבים מבתי ספר שדה שדה בוקר, הר הנגב‬ '‫וניצנה וסטודנטים... more
‫רשות העתיקות ובמימון הקרן הלאומית למדע‬ ‫)ארכאוזואולוגיה(וט' אריקסון­גיני)כלי חרס(, בסיוע ר' שחק­גרוס)גאוארכאולוגיה(, א' וויס‬ ‫)ארכאובוטניקה(ומ' כהן)מדידות(. בחפירה השתתפו מתנדבים מבתי ספר שדה שדה בוקר, הר הנגב‬ '‫וניצנה וסטודנטים מהתכנית הבינלאומית של החוג לציוויליזציות ימיות באוניברסיטת חיפה. כן סייעו ז‬ '‫שרצר וא' זברצ'יק מבית ספר שדה שדה בוקר, א' יסעור­לנדאו וא' רצלף מהחוג לציוויליזציות ימיות ור‬ .(‫הירש מחולות מקמן)אירוח ותשתיות להקמת מעבדת שדה‬ ‫' ביוונית, המזוהים‬Elusa' ,‫החפירה התמקדה בכמה תלים מחוץ לשולי העיר הביזנטית חלוצה‬ Saidel ‫עם האשפות של העיר העתיקה)איורים 1, 2: מיקום ריבועי החפירה על תכנית מתוך‬ ‫(, במטרה לאפיין את כלכלת העיר, תנאי הסביבה ופרק הזמן‬and Christopherson 2005 ‫שבהם התקיימה. תלי האשפה של חלוצה הביזנטית זוהו לראשונה על ידי ל' וולי ות' לורנס‬ .(Saidel and Christopherson 2005) 1914 ‫במסגרת סקר ארכאולוגי של הנגב בשנת‬ ‫משלחת של ד' קולט ערכה סקר של פני השטח וחפירת בדיקה באחד התלים בצפון­מערב האתר‬ ‫(. סקרים נוספים וחפירות נערכו באתר בשנות ה­07 ובראשית שנות‬Negev 1993) 1938 ‫בשנת‬ ‫(, ובמהלכם נערכה חפירה בתל‬Negev 1976 ;‫ה­08 של המאה הכ' לסה"נ)נגב תשמ"ב‬ .‫האשפה הגדול שבצפון­מערב האתר, כנראה במורדות הצפוניים שלו‬ ‫(ושניים בגבולו‬A ‫נחפרו ארבעה ריבועים)2 מ"ר כל אחד(: שניים בגבולו הצפוני של האתר)שטח‬ ‫(. בחפירה הוקפד על הפרדה ובקרה-כל ריבוע חולק לארבעה ריבועים של‬B ‫הדרומי)שטח‬ ‫מטר רבוע כל אחד ובכל תת­ריבוע נקבע סל נפרד לכל יחידה של 01 ס"מ עומק. החפירה לוותה‬ ‫בניפוי של כל החומר שנחפר ברשת)5.0 ס"מ(, נערך ניפוי דק)רשת 1 מ"מ(של כרבע מן החומר‬ ‫החפור והצפה של דגימות קרקע)01 ליטר לכל 01 ס"מ עומק(לצורך איסוף ממצא ארכאוזואולוגי‬ ‫ובוטני זעיר, מטבעות וממצא חומרי זעיר אחר. מן החתכים שנחשפו בשטחי החפירה נאספו‬ ‫דגימות של סדימנטים וחומר בוטני מפוחם לבדיקות מעבדה הכוללות איסוף נתונים‬ ‫גיאוארכיאולוגיים על אופן היווצרות האשפות ותיארוך בשיטת פחמן 41 בשילוב עם מודל‬ .‫(. העבודה על הדגימות נמשכת‬Bayesian modeling) ‫סטטיסטי‬ ‫. החפירה התמקדה בעיקר בשטח זה, הסמוך לבית המרחץ של העיר חלוצה ונחפרו בו‬A ‫שטח‬ ‫שני ריבועים)1, 4; 3.1 מ' עומק(. ריבוע 1 נחפר בפסגת תל האשפה הגדול, בשוליים‬ ‫הצפוניים­מערביים של האתר)56.032 מ' גובה מעל פני הים(, הבולט בנוף החולש על חורבות‬ ‫העיר חלוצה בשל גובהו ונפחו. החפירה בריבוע 1 הניבה כמויות גדולות של חרסים, פריטי‬ ‫זכוכית, מטבעות, שרידים מן הצומח ועצמות בעלי חיים. על פי טיפוסי הפריטים אפשר לתארך‬ ‫את האשפה ברום התל לתקופה הביזנטית המאוחרת, המאות הה'-הו' לסה"נ. חתך עומק חשף‬ (4 ,3 ‫(של עדשות דקות)כ­5 ס"מ עובי כל אחת; איורים‬Micro­stratigraphy) ‫רצף דינמי‬ ‫והופעה לסירוגין של עדשות חוליות בהירות ועדשות כהות עם תכולה גבוהה של אפר וממצא‬ ,‫בוטני מפוחם. בחתכים הצפוני והדרומי של ריבוע 1 העדשות נוטות למערב, בנטיית מדרון התל‬
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This article presents a systematic methodological comparison of three archaeobotanical proxies (phy-toliths, pollen and seeds) applied to an assemblage of dung pellets and corresponding archaeological refuse deposits from Early Islamic... more
This article presents a systematic methodological comparison of three archaeobotanical proxies (phy-toliths, pollen and seeds) applied to an assemblage of dung pellets and corresponding archaeological refuse deposits from Early Islamic contexts at the site of Shivta. We set out with three main methodo-logical questions: one, to evaluate the relative input of botanical remains from dung in refuse assemblages ; two, to evaluate each archaeobotanical dataset and to test whether they are comparable, complementary or contradictory in their interpretations from dung; and three, infer herding practices at the site during the Early Islamic period. Our findings show that ovicaprine dung accumulated in Early Islamic Shivta during at least two periods: mid-7themid-8th centuries CE, and late-8themid-10th centuries CE. Methodologically, we see incomplete and incompatible reconstructions arise when each method is considered alone, with each proxy possessing its own advantages and limitations. Specifically, the amount of preserved seeds in dung pellets is low, which restricts statistical analysis and tends to emphasize small or hard-coated seeds and vegetation fruiting season; yet this method has the highest taxonomic power; pollen preserves only in uncharred pellets, emphasizes the flowering season and has an intermediate taxonomic value; phytoliths have the lowest taxonomic value yet complete the picture of livestock feeding habits by identifying leaf and stem remains, some from domestic cereals, which went unnoticed in both seed and pollen analyses. The combined archaeobotanical reconstruction from samples of the mid-7themid-8th centuries suggests that springtime herding at Shivta was based on free-grazing of wild vegetation, supplemented by chaff and/or hay from domestic cereals. For the late-8th emid-10th century samples, phytolith and pollen reconstruction indicates autumn-winter free-grazing with no evidence of foddering. Unlike the dung pellets, macrobotanical remains in the refuse deposits included domestic as well as wild taxa, the former mainly food plants that serve for human consumption. Plant remains in these refuse deposits originate primarily from domestic trash and are only partially composed of dung remains. The significance of this study is not only in its general methodological * Corresponding author. Quaternary Science Reviews 211 (2019) 166e185 contribution to archaeobotany, but also to lasting discussions regarding the contribution of dung remains to archaeological deposits used for seed, pollen and phytolith analyses. We offer here a strong method for determining whether deposits derive from dung alone, are mixed, or absolutely do not contain dung. This has important ramifications for archaeological interpretation.
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Current genetic data are equivocal as to whether goat domestication occurred multiple times or was a singular process. We generated genomic data from 83 ancient goats (51 with genome-wide coverage) from Paleolithic to Medieval contexts... more
Current genetic data are equivocal as to whether goat domestication occurred multiple times or was a singular process. We generated genomic data from 83 ancient goats (51 with genome-wide coverage) from Paleolithic to Medieval contexts throughout the Near East. Our findings demonstrate that multiple divergent ancient wild goat sources were domesticated in a dispersed process that resulted in genetically and geographically distinct Neolithic goat populations, echoing contemporaneous human divergence across the region. These early goat populations contributed differently to modern goats in Asia, Africa, and Europe. We also detect early selection for pigmentation, stature, reproduction, milking, and response to dietary change, providing 8000-year-old evidence for human agency in molding genome variation within a partner species.
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The historic event of the Late Antique Little Ice Age (LALIA) was recently identified in dozens of natural and geological climate proxies of the northern hemisphere. Although this climatic downturn was proposed as a major cause for... more
The historic event of the Late Antique Little Ice Age (LALIA) was recently identified in dozens of natural and geological climate proxies of the northern hemisphere. Although this climatic downturn was proposed as a major cause for pandemic and extensive societal upheavals in the sixth-seventh centuries CE, archaeological evidence for the magnitude of societal response to this event is sparse. This study uses ancient trash mounds as a type of proxy for identifying societal crisis in the urban domain, and employs multidisciplinary investigations to establish the terminal date of organized trash collection and high-level municipal functioning on a city-wide scale. Survey, excavation, sediment analysis, and geographic information system assessment of mound volume were conducted on a series of mounds surrounding the Byzantine urban settlement of Elusa in the Negev Desert. These reveal the massive collection and dumping of domestic and construction waste over time on the city edges. Carbon dating of charred seeds and charcoal fragments combined with ceramic analysis establish the end date of orchestrated trash removal near the mid-sixth century, coinciding closely with the beginning of the LALIA event and outbreak of the Justinian Plague in the year 541. This evidence for societal decline during the sixth century ties with other arguments for urban dysfunction across the Byzantine Le-vant at this time. We demonstrate the utility of trash mounds as sensitive proxies of social response and unravel the time-space dynamics of urban collapse, suggesting diminished resilience to rapid climate change in the frontier Negev region of the empire. ancient urban trash mounds | societal collapse | Late Antique Little Ice Age | Byzantine period | southern Levant
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Here we use data from two excavation trenches of equal volume in mound M1 (5 cu. m each). Counts of specimens were averaged across arbitrary 10 cm-thick excavation levels in each trench, showing limited change between the two assemblages,... more
Here we use data from two excavation trenches of equal volume in mound M1 (5 cu. m each). Counts of specimens were averaged across arbitrary 10 cm-thick excavation levels in each trench, showing limited change between the two assemblages, with considerable overlap in the ranges of variation in specimen numbers for all five find categories (Fig. S5). Arid-adapted economic species of livestock and wood (sheep/goats and Negev species of wood and shrub) outnumber more water-dependent ones (pigs and imported Mediterranean wood) in both periods, as can be expected in the dry environment of the Negev. Over time, the ratios of arid-to humid-adapted species generally remain stable (Fig. S5a-b). Some decrease in the use of Arabian boxthorn (Lycium shawii) (25 vs. 10%)-a high-quality local fuel source-is indicated in comparison to tamarisk (25 vs. 70%)-a lower-quality one-from counts of individual wood species (Fig. S6). This may be a potential indicator of increasing anthropogenic pressure on local resources. Still, quantities of fish and mollusks from different terrestrial, freshwater or more distant marine sources remain almost the same between the two periods (Fig. S5c-e), and only a slight decrease is seen in drought-resistant barley in the middle Byzantine assemblage (Fig. S5e; Fig. S7). Bioarchaeological Analysis Methods Charcoal analysis. Taxonomic identification of charcoal samples was made on the basis of anatomical tissue structure (e.g. vessels and their arrangements, size and arrangement of rays, and abundance and nature of parenchyma) and aided by comparison to the wood and charcoal reference collection of the Steinhardt Museum of Natural History, Tel Aviv University. Specimens were cut and examined along three observational axes (transverse, tangential longitudinal, and radial longitudinal) using a stereoscopic Carl Zeiss SteREO Discovery.V20 microscope with magnifications of up to 360x under oblique angled top-lighting. On occasion, samples were further examined with a Hitachi TM3030 Tabletop scanning electron microscope for more precise identification of micro-surface anatomical structures. Seed analysis. Seeds were studied from sediment samples of each locus, which were processed either by dry-sifting through 5mm sieves, wet-sifting through 1mm mesh, or dry-sifting in stacked sieves of 4mm, 2mm, 1mm, 0.5mm and 0.3mm mesh. The data presented www.pnas.org/cgi/
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Here we report the unprecedented discovery of the skeleton of a ritually interred donkey with a metal horse bit in association with its teeth and saddlebag fastenings on its back. This discovery in the Middle Bronze Age III sacred... more
Here we report the unprecedented discovery of the skeleton of a ritually interred donkey with a metal horse bit in association with its teeth and saddlebag fastenings on its back. This discovery in the Middle Bronze Age III sacred precinct (1700/1650-1550 BCE) at Tel Haror, Israel, presents a unique combination of evidence for the early employment of equid harnessing equipment, both for chariot bridling (horse bit) and pack animals (saddlebags). The ritually deposited donkey with its unique accoutrements advances our understanding of the broad social and religious significance of equids in the Levantine Bronze Age, previously known mainly from textual and iconographical sources.
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Identification of petrosal bones to taxon is important due to the exceptionally well preserved quantity of endogenous DNA found in them. Here we present practical descriptive criteria to allow reliable differentiation of the petrosal... more
Identification of petrosal bones to taxon is important due to the exceptionally well preserved quantity of endogenous DNA found in them. Here we present practical descriptive criteria to allow reliable differentiation of the petrosal bones of some of the most common domestic and wild mammalian taxa of the Old World. is should simplify the identification and documentation of the bone during initial sorting for analysis and help separately curate specimens for taxon-specific ancient DNA studies.
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I t is increasingly apparent that admixture among closely related mammalian species may have occurred frequently over the course of their evolution 1. Many extant Holarctic mammals existed in widespread sympatry with now-extinct megafauna... more
I t is increasingly apparent that admixture among closely related mammalian species may have occurred frequently over the course of their evolution 1. Many extant Holarctic mammals existed in widespread sympatry with now-extinct megafauna species during the Pleistocene, providing the opportunity for admixture. Palaeogenomic studies have shown evidence of gene flow from two archaic hominins into modern humans 2,3 , but it remains debated whether these represent distinct species, or early archaic populations within the broader human radiation 4. Thus, a genetic contribution of ecologically and morphologically divergent Pleistocene megafauna to living mammal populations represents a plausible hypothesis that is largely untested by empirical evidence. Cave bears are an iconic component of the Pleistocene mega-fauna. Cave bears went extinct around 25,000 years ago 5 , following a protracted period of population decline, with interactions with humans being a likely contributing factor 6,7. Admixture between brown bears (Ursus arctos) and polar bears (Ursus mari-timus), which form the sister clade to cave bears 8,9 , is well documented 10-12 , and recent studies suggest that interspecies admixture may be widespread among representatives of the Ursidae 13. However, the genetic contribution, if any, of extinct bear species to their living congeners is largely unknown. Specifically, it is unknown whether admixture occurred between brown bears and cave bears, which coexisted in widespread sympatry and local syntopy in Eurasia for hundreds of thousands of years 14,15 before extinction of the cave bear. Results Sampling of bear genomes. To investigate whether brown and cave bears admixed during the Pleistocene, we extracted and sequenced nuclear genomic DNA from the petrous bones of four Late Pleistocene cave bears. These samples were assigned to recognized cave bear taxa based on morphology and geographic location, and subsequently verified by analysis of mitochondrial sequences 16. Although we refrain from forming any taxonomic conclusions based on our genomic datasets, we retain these assigned names for consistency with the published cave bear literature. Three of the cave bear samples are from Europe: an individual from the Gamssulzen cave, Austria, which is assigned to the taxon ingressus and has been 14 C dated to 35,062 ± 966 yr bp 7 ; an individual from the Eirós cave, Spain, which is assigned to the taxon spelaeus and has been 14 C dated to 34,806 ± 931 yr bp 7 ; and a third individual from the Windischkopf cave, Austria, assigned to the taxon eremus, which has been 14 C dated to > 49,000 yr bp and dated by phylogenetic tip dating analysis to 71,992 yr bp (95% credibility interval 54,640-91,860 yr bp) 7. The fourth cave bear is from the Hovk-1 cave in the southern Caucasus (Armenia), and is assigned to the taxon kudarensis. Although many large mammal species went extinct at the end of the Pleistocene epoch, their DNA may persist due to past episodes of interspecies admixture. However, direct empirical evidence of the persistence of ancient alleles remains scarce. Here, we present multifold coverage genomic data from four Late Pleistocene cave bears (Ursus spelaeus complex) and show that cave bears hybridized with brown bears (Ursus arctos) during the Pleistocene. We develop an approach to assess both the directionality and relative timing of gene flow. We find that segments of cave bear DNA still persist in the genomes of living brown bears, with cave bears contributing 0.9 to 2.4% of the genomes of all brown bears investigated. Our results show that even though extinction is typically considered as absolute, following admixture, fragments of the gene pool of extinct species can survive for tens of thousands of years in the genomes of extant recipient species.
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The issues of exactly when, where and how many times were farm animals (goat, sheep, pigs and cattle) domesticated in the Near East have been addressed for decades, using archaeological data, the frequencies of hunted and managed... more
The issues of exactly when, where and how many times were farm animals (goat, sheep, pigs and cattle) domesticated in the Near East have been addressed for decades, using archaeological data, the frequencies of hunted and managed ungulates, bone measurements and DNA studies. In most Neolithic sites in the southern Levant, a stratified PPNB-PN sequence representing the relevant time period and direct evidence for the management and domestication phases of goats, sheep, pigs and cattle was not found or studied. The site of Tel Roʻim West (TRW) in the northern Jordan Valley encompasses such a sequence and is used here as a case study for characterizing the local trajectory leading from hunting to livestock husbandry. Our results indicate that the spatial spread and diffusion of sheep husbandry from the north to the southern Levant was via the Levantine corridor through settled land, rather than through the more arid zones to the east. In the PPNC most of the goats at the site were domesticated or at least were at a high level of cultural control. Cattle underwent a slow process of diminution. The pigs from PPNC and PN TRW were already about the size of domesticated pigs. Thus, the faunal composition of TRW reflects both change and continuity in the exploitation patterns over time. The change is apparent in the transition from the PPNB to the PPNC, when hunting became a secondary component in the subsistence economy. Continuity is evident in the gradual and long process of domesticating cattle and pigs during the PPNC and the PN. Continuity is also evident in the livestock composition at the nearby Hula valley sites, which remained largely unchanged from the Neolithic times onward.
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In ancient DNA (aDNA) research, evolutionary and archaeological questions are often investigated using the genomic sequences of organelles: mitochondrial and chloroplast DNA. Organellar genomes are found in multiple copies per living... more
In ancient DNA (aDNA) research, evolutionary and archaeological questions are often investigated using the genomic sequences of organelles: mitochondrial and chloroplast DNA. Organellar genomes are found in multiple copies per living cell, increasing their chance of recovery from archaeological samples, and are inherited from one parent without genetic recombination, simplifying analyses. While mitochondrial genomes have played a key role in many mammalian aDNA projects, including research focused on prehistoric humans and extinct hominins, it is unclear how useful plant chloroplast genomes (plastomes) may be at elucidating questions related to plant evolution, crop domestication, and the prehistoric movement of botanical products through trade and migration. Such analyses are particularly challenging for plant species whose genomes have highly repetitive sequences and that undergo frequent genomic reorganization, notably species with high retrotransposon activity. To address this question, we explored the research potential of the grape (Vitis vinifera L.) plastome using targeted-enrichment methods and high-throughput DNA sequencing on a collection of archaeological grape pip and vine specimens from sites across Eurasia dating ca. 4000 BCEe1500 CE. We demonstrate that due to unprecedented numbers of sequence insertions into the nuclear and mitochondrial genomes, the grape plastome provides limited intraspecific phylogenetic resolution. Nonetheless, we were able to assign archaeological specimens in
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Pigeon rearing was an integral part of the agricultural regime that dominated the Negev region in Israel throughout the Roman and Byzantine periods. Dozens of structures have been documented that relate to the raising of pigeons and the... more
Pigeon rearing was an integral part of the agricultural regime that dominated the Negev region in Israel throughout the Roman and Byzantine periods. Dozens of structures have been documented that relate to the raising of pigeons and the exploitation of their dung as a fertilizer as is attested in the literary sources (Pliny, Columella and Varro). Excavation of a dovecote near Shivta produced large quantities of pigeon dung and sediments. The material recovered was processed for floral remains (both macro and micro) and archaeozoological remains. We present a holistic look at pigeon diet and local environmental conditions in the Byzantine Negev through the archaeobotanical remains. Demographic and morphometric analysis of size and shape of the pigeon bones refine our understanding of pigeon species that were bred in antiquity as well as inform on their life-histories. This integrated examination from an agro-archaeological perspective illustrates the complexity of desert agriculture.
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The beginning of the Bronze Age in the southern Caucasus has been thought to coincide with the appearance of the Kura Araxes (KA) culture around 3500 CAL B.C. KA artifacts are known not only from the southern Caucasus but also from sites... more
The beginning of the Bronze Age in the southern Caucasus has been thought to coincide with the appearance of the Kura Araxes (KA) culture around 3500 CAL B.C. KA artifacts are known not only from the southern Caucasus but also from sites in Anatolia, Iran, and the Levant. Recent discoveries from Areni-1 Cave in the Vayots Dzor region of Armenia demonstrate that the origin of the distinctive KA artifact assemblage lies in the Late Chalcolithic of the late 5th to early 4th millennia B.C. The cave contains rich assemblages of desiccated botanical remains that allow the site to be precisely dated and that demonstrate that its inhabitants exploited a wide variety of domesticated and wild plants. It would appear that from 4000 CAL B.C. onwards, people used Areni-1 Cave for habitation and for keeping goats, storing plant foods, and ritual purposes; unusual for this time period are ceramic vessels containing the skulls of children.
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The territory of present day Armenia is a geographic contact zone between the Near East and the northern Caucasus. Armenian Middle and Upper Paleolithic records are both few and patchy as a result of the historical paucity of systematic... more
The territory of present day Armenia is a geographic contact zone between the Near East and the northern Caucasus. Armenian Middle and Upper Paleolithic records are both few and patchy as a result of the historical paucity of systematic archaeological research in the country. Consequently, it is currently difficult to correlate the Armenian Middle and Upper Paleolithic records with those from other neighboring regions. We present new archaeological and chronometric data (luminescence, U-Th, and 14C) from our ongoing research at Hovk 1 Cave in northeast Armenia. We discuss in particular two activity phases in Hovk 1 Cave for which we have outline chronometric data: (1) an early Middle Paleolithic occupational phase, dated by optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) to 104  9.8 ka BPOSL; and (2) a Paleolithic occupational phase characterized by microlithic flakes dated by AMS 14C to 39,109  1,324 calibrated years BPHulu. The two phases are separated by a hiatus in hominin occupation corresponding to MIS 4 and an episode in early MIS 3. These chronometric data, taken together with the preliminary paleoenvironmental reconstruction of the Hovk 1 Cave and environment, suggest that these activity phases represent short-lived and seasonal use of the cave presumably by small groups of hunters during episodes of mild climate. Neither tool manufacture nor butchery appears to have taken place within the cave, and consequently, the archaeological record included, for the most part, finished tools and blanks. We address the chronology and techno-typological aspects of Hovk 1 lithics in relation to: (1) the Paleolithic records of Armenia, and (2) the broader interregional context of early Middle Paleolithic hominin occupation and the Middle-Upper Paleolithic transition in the Caucasus.
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Charting the timing of human occupation in the mountainous regions of the Caucasus during the Last Interglacial/Glacial periods is of particular interest to the understanding of past human adaptive and behavioural plasticity and capacity.... more
Charting the timing of human occupation in the mountainous regions of the Caucasus during the Last Interglacial/Glacial periods is of particular interest to the understanding of past human adaptive and behavioural plasticity and capacity. In this paper we analyse palaeoenvironmental, faunal, and archaeological data gathered during 2006-2009 excavations of the Palaeolithic cave site of Hovk-1, Armenia, in order to address whether human presence in this cave correlates with episodes of mild climate and certain environmental and ecological conditions that were favourable to huminin occupation in such a region. In the second part of the paper we evaluate the implications of our results in understanding the nature of human presence in other mountainous regions such as the Alps and its potential implications for Palaeolithic research.
Our analysis demonstrates that hominins occupied Hovk-1 Cave during milder climatic phases of the Last Interglacial sensu lato (MIS 5d-c) and Last Glacial (late MIS 4/early MIS 3) periods when the area surrounding the cave was an open meadow environment. The stratigraphic Units with noticeable traces of hominin occupation (Units 4, 5 & 8) contrast with others in the lack of cave bear fauna and suggest an inverse correlation between human and cave bear occupational phases in Hovk-1. We speculate that human groups visited this region to hunt specific prey species that prevailed in this habitat (such as the bezoar goat). However, the assemblages of large mammals from Hovk-1 do not provide any clear anthropogenic signal and therefore highlight the difficulty of teasing apart natural and cultural formation processes.
Two small faunal assemblages were recently recovered during a re-organization of the storage room in the Stekelis Museum of Prehistory in Haifa. The assemblages were collected some fifty years ago by the late Ya'aqov Olami as part of his... more
Two small faunal assemblages were recently recovered during a re-organization of the storage room in the Stekelis Museum of Prehistory in Haifa. The assemblages were collected some fifty years ago by the late Ya'aqov Olami as part of his comprehensive prehistoric survey of Mount Carmel. They originate from Ein Timsakh Cave, a Middle Palaeolithic rock shelter in the southern Carmel, and from Haifa 1 (German Colony), a terrace or open-air Kebaran site inside the modern city of Haifa (now destroyed by construction works). Here we present a detailed taphonomic and zooarchaeological analysis of these faunal collections. The Middle Palaeolithic remains from Ein Timsakh Cave were extracted from lumps of breccia, following some exposure to the elements. No definite signs of human consumption were found on the bones, but their context indicates ungulate procurement by the inhabitants of the site (mainly aurochs and fallow deer) consistent with other Middle Palaeolithic sites in the area. The Haifa 1 assemblage is poorly preserved as a result of long exposure of the bones to sub-aerial weathering conditions and post-depositional bone attrition. Nevertheless, the presence of cut marks on several bones indicates that butchering of gazelle, fallow deer and aurochs had taken place at the site. Together, these faunal assemblages expand our knowledge of the surveyed sites and the exploitation of animals in Mount Carmel during the Middle Palaeolithic and the Epipalaeolithic periods.
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Rantis Cave is a recently discovered filled cave in central Israel, displaying a rich faunal accumulation composed of micromammals, ungulates and carnivores. U-Th dating assigns the beginning of accumulation to ca. 140 ka. The... more
Rantis Cave is a recently discovered filled cave in central Israel, displaying a rich faunal accumulation composed of micromammals, ungulates and carnivores. U-Th dating assigns the beginning of accumulation to ca. 140 ka. The accumulation is culturally assigned to the late half of the Middle Paleolithic (MP) period. Single-grain OSL measurements attest to complex sedimentological history. We present the cross-disciplinary results of taphonomic and geomorphological analyses, which point to the cave serving as a natural pitfall trap for the large fauna, with little human or carnivore activity. The fauna is dominated by Dama among the ungulates and by Microtus among the micromammals. These data in conjunction with ungulate tooth mesowear analysis suggest a xeric Mediterranean environment on the eastern margin of the southern Levantine foothills. The relative taxonomic abundance of ungulate taxa displays some differences compared to anthropogenic MP sites, possibly reflect the prey choice patterns of MP hunters. Overall, the natural accumulation scenario for Rantis Cave provides a rare paleoenvironmental and paleoeconomic reference to the rich anthropogenic MP faunas of the Southern Levant, enabling the reconstruction of a rich and diverse environmental setting for this important human dispersal route.
Understanding the behavioral adaptations and subsistence strategies of Middle Paleolithic humans is critical in the debate over the evolution and manifestations of modern human behavior. The study of faunal remains plays a central role in... more
Understanding the behavioral adaptations and subsistence strategies of Middle Paleolithic humans is critical in the debate over the evolution and manifestations of modern human behavior. The study of faunal remains plays a central role in this context. Until now, the majority of Levantine archaeofaunal evidence was derived from late Middle Paleolithic sites. The discovery of faunal remains from Misliya Cave, Mount Carmel, Israel (>200 ka), allowed for detailed taphonomic and zooarchaeological analyses of these early Middle Paleolithic remains. The Misliya Cave faunal assemblage is overwhelmingly dominated by ungulate taxa. The most common prey species is the Mesopotamian fallow deer (Dama mesopotamica), followed closely by the mountain gazelle (Gazella gazella). Some aurochs (Bos primigenius) remains are also present. Small-game species are rare. The fallow deer mortality pattern is dominated by prime-aged individuals. A multivariate taphonomic analysis demonstrates (1) that the assemblage was created solely by humans occupying the cave and was primarily modified by their food-processing activities; and (2) that gazelle carcasses were transported complete to the site, while fallow deer carcasses underwent some field butchery. The new zooarchaeological data from Misliya Cave, particularly the abundance of meat-bearing limb bones displaying filleting cut marks and the acquisition of prime-age prey, demonstrate that early Middle Paleolithic people possessed developed hunting capabilities. Thus, modern large-game hunting, carcass transport, and meat-processing behaviors were already established in the Levant in the early Middle Paleolithic, more than 200 ka ago.
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Remains of early architecture at the Epipaleolithic-Neolithic transition of the Near East are commonly evaluated by means of two criteria: structure size and permanent interior features or decorations. Less attention has been given to... more
Remains of early architecture at the Epipaleolithic-Neolithic transition of the Near East are commonly evaluated by means of two criteria: structure size and permanent interior features or decorations. Less attention has been given to associated refuse, which could be the key for discerning the role of architectural space in the lives and minds of the last hunter-gatherers. We consider this dimension by modeling the deposition of animal remains in an Early Natufian (ca. 14,000 cal BP) architectural complex at the el-Wad Terrace (Mount Carmel, Israel). Contextual taphonomy shows that a sequence of structures was used for everyday living activities, including food preparation and consumption—probably at the household level—as well as bone working. Despite the relatively permanent habitation, reflected by repeatedly renovated stone architecture, a broad-spectrum economy, and the infliction of heavy habitation damage to in situ refuse, the inhabitants did not systematically engage in the clearing away of organic trash or otherwise marking out their domicile. The perception of the house was probably still “Paleolithic” and functional in character, highlighting the complex mosaic of old and new traits in the preagricultural communities of the Levant.
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The archaeology of mortuary practices and related foodways in the Late Natufian (LN; ca. 14,000/13,500–11,700 BP) sheds light on the communal activities of the last hunter–gatherers in the Mediterranean Levant. We present a detailed... more
The archaeology of mortuary practices and related foodways in the Late Natufian (LN; ca. 14,000/13,500–11,700 BP) sheds light on the communal activities of the last hunter–gatherers in the Mediterranean Levant. We present a detailed analysis of the fauna from the LN cemetery of Raqefet Cave (Mount Carmel, Israel). Taphonomic evidence indicates that the animal bones are butchery and consumption leftovers. While the patterns of animal exploitation are reminiscent of Natufian habitation sites, the remains do not reflect the typical recurring post-discard damage resulting from continuous or repeating habitations in those sites. Hence the fauna is interpreted as the leftovers of punctuated, short-term events, rather than ‘ordinary’ Natufian household trash. Taking into account the special depositional context and site characteristics, we interpret the fauna as the intentionally-gathered and buried remains of simple funerary feasts. Elaborate mortuary behavior and symbolic role of food refuse were recently suggested at the contemporaneous cave of Hilazon Tachtit (Israel). The new data from Raqefet Cave probably reflect a somewhat different type of communal meals, adding to the diversity and complexity of pre-agricultural life-ways in the Levant.
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The question of domestic refuse maintenance in the Natufian Culture reflects on the issue of evolving adaptations to increasing sedentism, which results in an increasing accumulation of household rubbish. Here we assemble together... more
The question of domestic refuse maintenance in the Natufian Culture reflects on the issue of evolving adaptations to increasing sedentism, which results in an increasing accumulation of household rubbish. Here we assemble together stratigraphic and contextual information from the renewed excavation of the major base-camp of el-Wad, Mount Carmel, with results of multivariate taphonomic analysis of the animal bone assemblage, in order to shed light on Natufian refuse behavior in the context of an Early Natufian dwelling. Our results show that the structure and its surroundings are all filled with large quantities of butchery refuse, mostly in primary deposition, which had been discarded, trampled, indirectly burned and subsequently become embedded in the Natufian living surfaces. We conclude that, in the case of the el-Wad Terrace assemblage, faunal remains can usually be regarded as primary refuse and thus are contextually informative; and that animal consumption took place inside and outside the structure, producing refuse that was discarded without further attention (inside) or sometimes cleared (outside). This pattern seems to continue the refuse behavior of the preceding Paleolithic societies. However, the reflection of this simple refuse behavior on the degree of sedentism and site-occupation intensity may not be straightforward.
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Among the rich and varied Chalcolithic artifacts from the Cave of the Treasure at Nahal Mishmar are several bone tools which are presented here. The bone tools seem to represent domestic types, commonly utilized for multiple daily tasks.... more
Among the rich and varied Chalcolithic artifacts from the Cave of the Treasure at Nahal Mishmar are several bone tools which are presented here. The bone tools seem to represent domestic types, commonly utilized for multiple daily tasks. They include bone points and spatulae resembling other bone tool assemblages from Chalcolithic settlements. The tools were fabricated from gazelle and caprine tibiae and metapodials using abrasive methods and sometimes scraping. There is one case of re-sharpening, but other than that the tools display rather short life histories, being lightly used and haphazardly discarded. Whereas the simple, practical and low-investment objects present a stark contrast to the extravagance of the treasure discovered in the cave their presence accords well with that of numerous other mundane artifacts found at the site.
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We are delighted to announce the second conference of the
Asian Sphere Program. The conference will take place from
26 February to 2 March 2017, at the Hebrew University of
Jerusalem, Israel.
Research Interests:
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